The ManicaPost
Freedom Mutanda
Correspondent
BUHERA District is the place to be today as the country’s 10 provinces flock there to participate in the Independence Day celebrations that have been in vogue since the dawn of independence in 1980, but it is instructive to know about the notion of always be on the look-out for some obstacles that may derail the advent of independence.
ZANU PF called it ‘’tamba wakachenjera.’’
Ian Douglas Smith, the Rhodesian Prime Minister, has always been a tricky customer for the nationalists.
He would agree to certain issues in a meeting and then make an about U-turn without notice.
For example, in 1976, the South African leader, John Vorster and the Americans had hammered an agreement where Smith would allow the gradual transition of power to the black majority in Zimbabwe.
All of a sudden, he made a U-turn.
He only relented after South Africa brought on diplomatic pressure, but, even then, it would take another four years before Zimbabwe gained political independence.
In an effort to evade the majority rule, Ian Douglas Smith’s shenanigans did not end.
He authored the Internal Settlement where elections were held pitting African political parties which did not have armies fighting against the system.
Resultantly, Bishop Abel Tendekai Muzorewa, assumed the Premiership of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia- the name itself being a confusing one for how can a country have a surname and a forename?
Yes, hordes of Africans turned up to vote and Bishop Muzorewa won the majority of the seats and became the first black leader of the country, notwithstanding the politics around his assumption of power and the refusal by both ZANU and ZAPU to accept his victory.
For some analysts, this was a first step towards independence in 1980.
Therefore, for some, it would be naïve to totally ignore the Internal Settlement’s role in leading the country to full independence.
Why would some analysts say Smith’s hand in political skullduggery is evident in the Internal Settlement?
Important ministries were left in the hands of the whites namely: The Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs.
A year later, that late former President Robert Mugabe retained the army commander, Central Intelligence Organisation director and the commissioner of the police who might have been avowed racists and hated him and his black nationalists.
His aim was to steer the State’s ship with political authority, but almost maintain the status quo; it worked for a while.
This was “tamba wakachenjera” in action.
Commonwealth leaders met in Zambia in 1979 and at the end of the summit, it was resolved that there should be a meeting of all contesting parties at Lancaster House in Britain.
Ms Margaret Thatcher, the British Prime Minister at the time, seriously wanted to resolve the Rhodesian crisis once and for all despite the numerous hitches that were strewn along the way.
The protracted war had taken its toll on the three armies, Rhodesian, ZIPRA and ZANLA components.
At Lancaster House, the commanders of these armies are said to have reached an agreement of cessation of hostilities and try to reach a political solution.
However, ZANLA was wary of the Rhodesians and they decided to have Plan B.
Commonwealth monitors established 16 assembly points through-out the country where ZANLA and ZIPRA combatants trooped to between December 28, 1979 and January 4, 1980.
That was when Plan B was activated. It became imperative to do so bearing in mind that the late ZANLA military supremo, General Josiah Magama Tongogara, had died in a car crash.
ZIPRA’s ability to strike fear in urban areas via the downing of the Rhodesian civilian airplane was a wake-up call for Smith and his allies that the war was becoming a living nightmare.
Coupled with the pouring of thousands into the country from both ZIPRA and ZANLA, it cannot be disputed that even Smith conceded to the meeting in London; some of his military commanders could have staged a coup after a majority party had won.
ZAPU and ZANU went to the talks as the Patriotic Front jointly led by the late Father Zimbabwe, Dr Joshua Nkomo and Cde Mugabe.
ZANLA had released Songa Mbele, Fanya Haraka and Sasa Mariza groups to augment the fighting from Tanzanian training camps and some were being trained in Mozambique.
Ian Douglas Smith knew D-Day was coming and ZANU ‘knew’ that he could spring a surprise in the aftermath of the election.
Thus, some combatants were left behind in the rear, and some in the countryside and hid some weapons in the mountains and other safe areas just in case the Rhodesians reneged on the Lancaster House Agreement.
On the other hand, ZIPRA left some heavy military equipment in Zambia.
Foxtrot popularly known as Dzapasi was the biggest assembly point in Zimbabwe following the implementation of the ceasefire agreement.
It was at Foxtrot that the ZANLA supreme commander, the late national hero, Cde Rex Nhongo, of the famous ‘Hona Mukoma Nhongo, berekai sub (sub machine gun, AK 47) chauya chauya song,’ shook hands with his Rhodesian counterpart, Betard Barnard, and lowered the British flag and raised the Zimbabwe flag, a symbol of independence.
The majority of the Foxtrot ZANLA combatants were not trained cadres, but war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos), according to Miles Tendi quoting the ZANLA commander there, the late Cde Tonderai Nyika (Cde Paradzai Zimondi).
He said they were wary of the Rhodesian army and madzakutsaku who were given free rein to move that they could attack the assembly points.
Therefore, some combatants were left behind to attack the Rhodesians if and when such a betrayal took place.
Further, some seasoned fighters campaigned for ZANU PF in many rural areas in readiness for the party’s elections victory since it controlled vast swathes of land where there were liberated zones.
In such a scenario, it was always going to be difficult for other parties to win the elections.
An example of the ‘tamba wakachenjera’ is illustrated by what happened at Dzapasi Assembly Point sometime before the elections in February 1980.
The British commander of the Commonwealth monitors in that camp invited the late Cde Tonderai Nyika (Paradzai Zimondi) and his fellow ZANLA commanders at the camp to a party which the latter obligingly agreed to attend.
At the end of the feast where booze and food was readily available, the British commander, Purdon, thought he had won them over.
After they had left, nevertheless, his soldiers noticed that the guerrillas had left a report lying about.
It was ostensibly a report to be send to Cde Rex Nhongo.
He was aghast when he read that they saw through his actions: the British invitation had sort of psychological warfare in it as is the case with imperialists, the report read.
It dawned on him that the drunken stupor they exhibited was a façade.
Tamba wakachenjera.
Indeed, without that capacity to be wary of the white shenanigans, combatants of both sides may have failed to shake the white man up.
Today, Buhera District, close to Dzapasi Assembly Point, host the national Uhuru celebrations. It is significant and symbolic that the 10 provinces will meet there.
Manicaland was the gateway to Mozambique for ZANLA combatants and some of the heaviest fighting and atrocities occurred in this province.
Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, was the ZANLA political commissar in this province.
It is a wonderful homecoming for the Vice-President, while for President Mnangagwa, the province housed him in 2017 as his detractors were in hot pursuit.
Viva 44 years of independence!
